When was stop and frisk passed

The reports to date are below:. It also anticipates that the Consultant will resume analysis of investigatory stop reports based on data collected between June 1, and December 31, The Temporary Stay agreement remains in effect. On March 19, , Maggie Hickey and her team released a public report addressing how the ACLU of Illinois and the City are approaching the issues identified in the Temporary Stay, including the following:.

The Fourth Amendment requires that before stopping the suspect, the police must have a reasonable suspicion that a crime has been, is being, or is about to be committed by the person. This is also called a Terry Stop, after the case Terry v. Ohio In that case, the U. Supreme Court held that a stop-and-frisk must comply with the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution, meaning that it cannot be unreasonable.

The Cavanagh administration, however, was likely worried about civil lawsuits and other protests alleging police misconduct , which helps explain the logic of passing a law to formalize an already widespread practice.

The report argued that stop and frisk was not constitutional, would lead to widespread discrimination against law-abiding black citizens, and would not reduce crime. Mayor Cavanagh, now worried about the unanimous opposition of African American groups and leaders, responded by claiming that he had never formally supported the stop and frisk law that he had proposed the previous November. Shortly after the release of the CCEO study, Attorney General Katzenbach backed out of Cavanagh's crime conference, probably because the Johnson administration realized the political liability in alienating African American civil rights leaders and Democratic politicians in Detroit.

Then in April, state lawmakers in Lansing rejected a statewide stop and frisk law, and Cavanagh's proposal seemed dead. In February , Republican state senators proposed a large anti-crime legislative package that included a law allowing stop and frisk, anti-riot strategies, and weapons restrictions. Notably, Mayor Cavanagh and Commissioner Girardin did not openly suport this Republican proposal, even though both had championed a stop and frisk law before the backlash by Detroit's black leaders.

In Detroit, support for the stop and frisk law was growing among white residents and politicians. Councilwoman Mary Beck, a white Democrat, attacked Cavanagh for being too soft on crime and argued that the DPD needed additional authority to "put terror in the hearts of criminals.

Then came the racial unrest of July , which changed the political dynamics again. The Uprising of July led to major changes in how Detroiters perceived crime in their city, especially among white residents, and created great momentum behind get-tough measures and punitive policing. Although civil rights groups blamed police harassment for triggering the civil unrest, many white Detroiters in particular came to believe that tougher policing and widespread stop and frisk policies might have allowed the police to detain criminals carrying guns.

In early , the almost all-white suburb of Detroit passed a local stop and frisk ordinance, which led to more pressure to do the same in Detroit. For Mayor Cavanagh as well, the political equation shifted toward doing whatever it took to curb crime and disorder. After the Dearborn law, support for stop and frisk increased on Detroit's Common Council, despite strong opposition from African American members.

Police Commissioner Ray Girardin also expressed hesitation and stated that Detroit should await the pending Supreme Court decision in Terry v. Ohio before acting. In January , the Citizens Committee for Equal Opportunity issued a press release right insisting that a stop and frisk law would exacerbate the rift between the African American community and the DPD. The CCEO argued that police officers should only stop and search a citizen with probable cause, not mere "suspicion," and pointed out that "the 'stop and frisk' practice has primarily been used against Negro citizens and has been in Detroit a cause of conflict between the police and the Negro community.

Mayor Cavanagh received an avalanche of letters from Detroit residents, mostly white people, expressing strong support for stop and frisk and drawing a distinction between the criminals and the "good people," with the police on the side of the latter. White citizens who demanded stop and frisk, of course, did not live in the black neighborhoods that police targeted and generally appeared unable to understand the civil rights position that the policy infringed on the rights of "law-abiding" black citizens.

Cavanagh signed the law on July 9th, making headline news in the Free Press the following day. The events of July and the white backlash against Black Detroit virtually guaranteed the stop and frisk law's passage. Supporters, as in the above letters, claimed that innocent, law-abiding citizens had nothing to fear and that stop and frisk would bring comfort to communities plagued by crime. While support from the public influenced Detroit's passage of a stop and frisk law, nothing was more influential than the Supreme Court's Terry v.

Ohio decision in June The ruling neutralized opposing arguments that the law would be unconstitutional and ushered in a wave of support from many elected officials and a large part of the general public alike. The annual database includes nearly all of the data recorded by the police officer after a stop such as the age of the person stopped, if a person was frisked, if there was a weapon or firearm recovered, if physical force was used, and the exact location of the stop within the precinct.

The NYPD uploads this databe to their website annually. The most recent annual dataset and codebook is located below. It contains over variables and 12, observations, each of which represents a stop conducted by an NYPD officer.

Stop-and-Frisk Data. Facebook Twitter Reddit Email Print. Annual Stop-and-Frisk Numbers: An analysis by the NYCLU revealed that innocent New Yorkers have been subjected to police stops and street interrogations more than 5 million times since , and that Black and Latinx communities continue to be the overwhelming target of these tactics. In , 11, NYPD stops were recorded.